“An important work” (Einat Wilf, The War of Return)

“The book represents writing and thinking of the highest calibre —a testament to intellectual courage. Daniel offers a sweeping and meticulously argued indictment of Arabized Islam as an imperial force. Colonialism has, for too long, been regarded as a uniquely Western sin and something in which only nations engage. Daniel shows that Arabized Islam itself, whether secularized or more overtly religious, is history’s greatest colonial and expansionist force.” (Nachum Kaplan, Moral Clarity)

“In its brutal and brilliant diagnosis, Pax Arabica presents an intellectual framework that is nothing less than a controlled demolition of the West’s entire understanding of the Middle East. It unmasks the Arab Imperium as the region’s true colonial power, deconstructs its sophisticated weapons of narrative warfare, and indicts decades of Western appeasement as the product of moral cowardice and philosophical bankruptcy.” (Khaled Salih, Senior Kurdish Academic and Political Advisor)

“Congratulations to Daniel Clarke-Serret for his Pax Arabica series. Informative, well researched and a really appealing prose style. I’ve found myself quoting passages from the chapters as the topics covered are, as always, very much in the news. Again, well done for such a great work.” (Richard Neat, Observations from the Kitchen)

“There are plenty of ferocious and polemical defenses of Pax Arabica by innumerable apologists for imperialism and terrorism like Edward Said and Rashid Khalidi. A ferocious and polemical response to them is long overdue. In writing one, Clarke-Serret is stronger in history and logic than the apologists, and certainly possesses a moral clarity and historical accuracy they would never dare embrace. More than anything else, however, Clarke-Serret states a simple but too often silent truth: Morality is reciprocity. If the West must face history and itself, so must everybody else. As long as the partisans of Arab imperialism do not, no one in the West is obligated to listen to a single word they say.” (Benjamin Kerstein, Self Defense: A Jewish Manifesto)

“Daniel Clarke-Serret is one of the rare voices who insists on addressing the unwanted, the forgotten and the silenced. In Pax Arabica, he lays all before us—a discovery, a revelation in the truest sense. Truth is unveiled, falsehoods are exposed and lies are uncovered. Only thus can hope be seen clearly, with all its bitterness and all its sweetness.” (Dr Lothar Riemenschneider)

“The Arab Empire is invisible —an insidious entity that can’t be seen with the naked eye. This is the astonishing opening claim of a book which is a must-read. Pax Arabica is a seminal work and one which all readers are strongly encouraged to buy!” (Noah Otte)

“In an existential crisis, such as we are in now, we cannot afford to be blind to what is really going on. As Pax Arabica shows, much of what passes off as conventional ‘wisdom’ about Islam, Palestine, Arab history and colonization is not based on evidence or clear thinking.” (Ashok Panikkar, Ten Lies that Killed Democracy)

“I wanted to extend my sincere congratulations on the publication of Pax Arabica. I have long admired your thoughtful and insightful writings, and am reading, with interest, the wonderful reviews provided by some of the top authorities in the field.
Wishing you great success with this significant achievement.” (Ruth Sheridan)

“If you haven’t read this brilliant book by Daniel Clarke-Serret yet, you’re missing out on important information. Great talking points for dialogue and discussions with people who don’t understand the Middle East and Arab colonization.” (Miller Canning)

“Pax Arabica illuminates the situation in the Middle East ignored by mainstream media and academia. Not only does it delve into the Israel-Palestine conflict, it also explains the minority situations within the Arab and Muslim world.” (Michael Constan)

“Daniel’s breadth of knowledge is impressive. Hoping the book resonates and impacts the powers that be.” (Eli Kavon)

Have you read PAX ARABICA?

Subscribe as PAID today to gain full access to the chapters.

Subscribe now

Daniel Clarke-Serret’s PAX ARABICA

Acknowledgements

FOREWORD by Nachum Kaplan

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now!

PART 1: BABEL

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States and the Nation State // Chapter 14: On Sykes-Picot // Chapter 15: On Zionism and the duty to protect // Chapter 16: On the New Regional Sheriff // Chapter 17: On the Psychology of Strength // Chapter 18: On the Paradigm Shift // Chapter 19: On the Post-Imperial Two State Solution // Chapter 20: On the End of the Great Game

AFTERWORD by Khaled Salih: A Song of the Oppressor and the Parody of the Oppressed.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS for Pax Arabica

With thanks to Sir Winston Churchill without whom I wouldn’t be alive to write this text. It was Churchill’s strength of character which inspired me to stand up against fascism and totalitarianism in all its forms. It was Churchill’s self-assurance in the face of public mockery and unthinking ridicule that called me to speak out against the political horrors of our own age.

With thanks to Sir Anthony Eden, Churchill’s protegee, and the man whose political legacy this works seeks to resurrect. As with his mentor before him, Eden was principled and resolute in the face of fascist imperialism. He railed against the appeasement of Mussolini, he foresaw the horrors of Hitler and he sacrificed everything he possessed politically to prevent Nasser’s Arab totalitarianism. Eden was a modern prophetic figure who uniquely understood the nature of Pax Arabica. He warned, he fought and he was ultimately betrayed. The result is the moral travesty we sanitise as the “Arab world”. Nasser may have died, but his horrific legacy lives on. Today, we pick up Sir Anthony’s gauntlet, seeking an ordered Middle East of free nation states.

With thanks to all those in the Anglo and Hebraic tradition of the nation state who set out the path to decency in a world of madness.

With thanks to the Prophet Isaiah whose transformative vision is at the heart of this work. He helped the world to understand that language inversion brings war, while truthful clarity brings peace.

With thanks to all those great intellectuals, past and modern, upon whose shoulders this work rests. Although I have never met or communicated with any of them, it was their insights that provided my intellectual ballast. It is therefore my honour to thank John Locke, Hannah Arendt, Thomas Hobbes, David Hume, Jonathan Haidt, Paul Bloom, Stephen B Smith, Paul Freedman, Joanne Freeman, Vernon Bogdanor and Mary Wollstonecraft amongst others.

With thanks to Peter Biro, my friend and mentor, who gave me the courage to be a “public intellectual”. It was he who gave me the vision of what was possible and who I could become. It was he who set me on the path of book writing and extended argumentation whose product can be seen in this published work.

With thanks to Khaled Salih, Nachum Kaplan, Richard Neat and Charles Jacobs whose boundless enthusiasm for this project has encouraged me every step of the way. I thank them for evangelising this book far and wide from the forests of Costa Rica to the mountains of Kurdistan to the avenues of New York to the Asian redoubt of Singapore.

With thanks to Einat Wilf, Khaled Salih and General Yoav Gallant whose personal messages of support have been invaluable. I am thereby encouraged that my words have a genuine impact on Middle Eastern affairs.

With thanks to Ashok Panikkar, Alan Mairson, Eli Kavon, Susan Bordo, Michal Reznic, Vaishnav Sunil and Shlomo Levin without whose intellectual back and forth I would never have developed as a thinker. Alan’s ability to praise my writing, whilst never fully agreeing, was particularly formative to a “young” thinker . It modeled polite, civic disagreement in a time of echo chambers. It modeled how classic debate could lead to intellectual progress. As someone who worries about the future of democratic society, I’m sure that Ashok would be heartened by this renaissance of critical thinking.

With thanks to Richard Jacobi, Meital Brown and Anthony Witt whose early recognition of my abilities (and passion for this subject) have never been forgotten.

With thanks to Francisco J Bernal, Khaled Salih, Peter Biro, Jonathan Sandberg, Richard Neat and Sheldon Frank whose backing as “Guerre and Shalom” founder members helped finance this project both in terms of money and moral support. Without their vote of confidence, it is doubtful that I would be here today writing this page of acknowledgments. With particular thanks to Sheldon Frank, who was my first founder member, and Francisco J Bernal who has been very generous in his financial contributions.

With thanks to the 100+ paying subscribers of Guerre and Shalom Substack who, by sacrificing their earnings in return for something as ubiquitous as writing, showed a faith in my abilities which is truly humbling.

With thanks to all those that have publicly engaged with this work. I would particularly like to thank Noah Otte whose genuine and heartfelt engagement can never be forgotten. He has written detailed feedback on each of my chapters, often in the most glowing of terms. This level of kindness is both rare and genuinely helpful for a developing intellectual.

With thanks to the oppressed of Pax Arabica, whose brave personal testimony helped me understand the gravity of this issue and the necessity to fight for freedom. Given the horrific and dangerous nature of that Empire, it would be inappropriate for me to mention them by name — which, in itself, shows the importance of this work. The Arab Empire has erased all hope and individual freedom. It is detestable.

With thanks to the diverse group of friends with whom I grew up, be they Christian, Jewish, Muslim, Hindu, Sikh or of no faith. They helped me understand that there was a better way than the totalising dystopia of Pax Arabica.

Above all, I would like to pay particular tribute to my wife Sara Clarke-Serret, who has been steadfast, constant and ever loving during the tortuous process of writing this lengthy book. She has worked from dawn to dusk, in extremely stressful conditions, so that our family may have the money to support a badly paid writer. She has showed incredible support during my lengthy stints at the computer, all of which inevitably involved a lack of marital attention. She has loved and cared for our beautiful daughter Noa with all the kindness, courage and tenderness of an inspired mother. She has put up with my mood swings, intemperance and lack of self-awareness.

Perhaps most incredibly, she has shown these qualities in the face of indignity — of not being recognised publicly as a Jew. This book recognises the evils of the Arab Empire as compared to the beneficent qualities of a Jewish nation state. Nonetheless, we must be conscious of the groupish, exclusionary nature of many sections of the Jewish people which condemns its outcasts to the life of a social other. Whilst rightfully throwing stones at Arab imperialism, I am called to fiercely condemn our own wrongdoings.

Sara’s love saved my life. Many years ago I was in the depths of depression and in the teeth of a Jeremiaic despair. I was a passive, failed shell of a man — my dreams were in tatters, my hope was lost. I had nothing to live for. Only Sara saved my soul from the pit — and she did so at great cost and with unprecedented sacrifice. Hers is the eternal flame which shines ever so brightly in every word of this text.

To all those who I did wrong, I ask for your forgiveness.

To all those who did me wrong, knowingly or unknowingly, you are forgiven. It is the trials and tribulations caused by your actions that made the man. It is your efforts that gave me the time and material to work with. To misquote Dostoevsky: May I be worthy of my sufferings.

All I ask for is for the people of Pax Arabica to be free at last. Liberated from the ideological grip of the Arab Babel Terror, they will rise again to form a Middle East of free nations where each citizen may dwell under their own fig tree with none to make them afraid.

In the name of human dignity, in the name of peace, in the name of the much quoted, but never followed, Prophet Isaiah, let us recognize the divine spark in every man and woman, so that we may build a future of peace based on truth. With thanks in advance for all who contribute to this effort.

Paid subscribers have full access to all chapters of Pax Arabica.

Founder members (“Patrons”) have the right to receive a PDF manuscript of the chapters for an easier read.

Subscribe now

PAX ARABICA

FOREWORD by Nachum Kaplan

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now!

PART 1: BABEL

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States and the Nation State // Chapter 14: On Sykes-Picot // Chapter 15: On Zionism and the duty to protect // Chapter 16: On the New Regional Sheriff // Chapter 17: On the Psychology of Strength // Chapter 18: On the Paradigm Shift // Chapter 19: On the Post-Imperial Two State Solution // Chapter 20: On the End of the Great Game

AFTERWORD by Khaled Salih: A Song of the Oppressor and the Parody of the Oppressed.

A FOREWORD FOR PAX ARABICA by Nachum Kaplan

When Daniel Clarke-Serret invited me to write a foreword to Pax Arabica, I asked myself: why does a book like this matter? What compels me, as a journalist and political commentator, to lend my voice?

The answer is simple. The book represents writing and thinking of the highest calibre. Daniel offers a sweeping and meticulously argued indictment of Arabized Islam as an imperial force. Colonialism has, for too long, been regarded as a uniquely Western sin and something in which only nations engage. Daniel shows that Arabized Islam itself, whether secularized or more overtly religious, is history’s greatest colonial and expansionist force.

There are books that arrive to flatter the reader’s conscience, and then there are those that confront it. Pax Arabica belongs emphatically to the latter. Daniel’s narrative is confrontational, yes—but it is also deeply honest. This book makes a persuasive argument that the Middle East’s conflicts are not about borders so much as they are about the moral map that the modern world uses to navigate—and lose—itself.

Daniel writes not as an academic detached from the dust of history, but as a moral archaeologist unearthing what polite diplomacy prefers to bury. Pax Arabica offers a disciplined, unflinching excavation of the ideological and structural forces that underpin Arab imperialism.

Pax Arabica does not merely chronicle events — it exposes the civilisational grammar beneath them. It traces how the vocabulary of “anti-colonialism” was weaponized to erase older colonialisms; how the rhetoric of “peace” became a euphemism for managed hostility; and how the Arab world’s wars against Israel have been sustained not by grievance alone, but by an ideological infrastructure that sanctifies grievance itself with lies such as “genocide” and “apartheid.”

This work is also a testament to intellectual courage: a refusal to let Western self-deception about the Middle East ossify into dogma. It asks uncomfortable questions such as: What has been done to indigenous minorities in the Middle East? What kind of peace is built atop silence and displacement? And what price does the West pay for choosing rhetorical softness over honest confrontation?

Particularly valuable is the way the book treats Middle Eastern conflict as far more than the Israel–Palestinian struggle that dominates Western discourse on the region. From Kurds, Yazidis, Jews, Black Africans and more, Arab-Islamic expansion and the insidious slave trade that helped build it are laid bare. He even places non-state actors such as ISIS within the wider imperialist picture.

I encourage you to engage with Pax Arabica not as a passive reader, but as a participant in the quest for clarity. Let it stir your mind, unsettle your assumptions, and sharpen your moral sense. Then ask: What am I doing with what I now see? Where do I stand? What will I refuse?

Any reader who does so will emerge with fewer illusions and a renewed commitment to real peace—not the kind built on myth and erasure, but one built on truth, accountability and human dignity.

— Nachum Kaplan, Moral Clarity, November 2025

Paid subscribers have full access to all chapters of Pax Arabica.

Founder members (“Patrons”) have the right to receive a PDF manuscript of the chapters for an easier read.

Subscribe now

PAX ARABICA

PART 1: BABEL

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now! // Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States and the Nation State // Chapter 14: On Sykes-Picot // Chapter 15: On Zionism and the duty to protect // Chapter 16: On the New Regional Sheriff // Chapter 17: On the Psychology of Strength // Chapter 18: On the Paradigm Shift // Chapter 19: On the Post-Imperial Two State Solution // Chapter 20: On the End of the Great Game

Subscribe now

PAX ARABICA

An Afterword by Khaled Salih

“The Song of the Oppressor and the Parody of the Oppressed”

Julia Boutros Wein el Malayeen

The parody.

A Message, a Parody, and the Unmasking of an Empire

Some days after I published my essay “A New Pattern for a Cursed Landscape” - a review of Daniel Clarke-Serret’s PAX ARABICA and a reflection on the oppressive architecture of the modern Middle East—a friend wrote to me. He congratulated me on the piece, yes, but then he added a link, almost as an afterthought, as if he were slipping contraband across a border: a Facebook video of a parody of Julia Boutros’ “وين الملايين”

I clicked, expecting satire of the light, forgettable sort. I was wrong. What I found was something far more telling, far more urgent: a work of political heresy so raw, so unvarnished, that it made the polished myths of Arab nationalism look like stage props from a long-abandoned theatre.

There was no reverence in this parody. No deference to pan-Arab mythology. No timid qualification or diplomatic phrasing. It was a howl—from the Kurds, the Amazighs, the marginalised, the silenced—flung back at the same nationalist culture that claims eternal victimhood while burying entire peoples beneath its project of “unity.”

As I watched, I realised that the piece I had written was incomplete. Not wrong, but unfinished. For if PAX ARABICA describes the imperial machinery of the Arab state, then this parody—crude, furious, unflinching—is the testimony of those crushed beneath its gears. It is the reply that Arab nationalists never expected to hear.

And so I found myself compelled to write again, not as a footnote to my previous work, but as its necessary continuation. Here, then, is my reflection—sharpened by the echo of that parody, and written in the full knowledge that the empire is cracking, not from the outside, but from the voices it tried so hard to erase.

Subscribe now

An Anthem and Its Afterlife

Let us start with Julیa Boutros: born on April 1, 1968, in Beirut, Lebanon, is a prominent Lebanese singer and activist widely known as the “Lioness of Lebanon” for her powerful patriotic songs supporting Lebanese and Palestinian causes. Raised in a Maronite Christian family—her father hailing from Tyre in southern Lebanon and her mother of Palestinian-Armenian descent—she has become an iconic figure in Arab music, blending emotional depth with political resonance in her performances and recordings.

Julia Boutros’ “وين الملايين” (“Where Are the Millions?”) has long been celebrated as an electrifying pan-Arab anthem—a song intended to rouse a supposedly slumbering Arab world to confront children of the Zionists, imperialism, and injustice. Its lyrics thunder with defiance; its tone suggests that dignity is a property that can be summoned by sheer volume; and its performances, especially the famous 1990s concert in Tripoli, Libya, were staged as if they were the beating heart of a revolutionary project.

But step outside the charmed circle of Arab nationalism—say, into Kurdistan, the mountains where slogans have never been able to hide the scars—and one encounters a rather different picture. For the peoples who have lived beneath the boot of Arab “revolutionary” regimes—Kurds, Amazighs, South Sudanese, Assyrians, and countless dissenters—the anthem sounds less like liberation and more like the national hymn of an empire in denial.

And empires, as Hitchens reminded us frequently, are never more dangerous than when they imagine themselves oppressed.

Subscribe now

The Original Song: A Cry for Unity, or the Last Breath of a Dead Myth?

“Where are the millions? Where is the Arab people? Where is Arab anger? Where is Arab honour?”

The song’s questions boom like thunderclaps. But one cannot help noticing—especially from a Kurdish vantage point—that the entire edifice rests on a zealous assumption: that the Arab world constitutes a single moral body, asleep but righteous, unified in everything except wakefulness.

It is an intoxicating idea, and like most intoxicants, its clarity dissolves when sober light is applied. To believe in this mythical Arab unity, one must ignore:

• The Kurdish villages gassed in 1988.

• The Amazigh language banned, mocked, and erased.

• The Sudanese south burned to ash in the name of Arabisation.

• The Assyrian and Syriac communities expelled or absorbed.

• The suppression of internal dissent so routine it hardly qualifies as news.

From the vantage point of those crushed under Arab nationalist regimes, the song’s righteous indignation reads less like a cry for justice and more like a theatrical performance—one in which the Arab world casts itself as an eternal victim while carefully burying the victims it has produced.

Boutros’ Tripoli performance in the 1990s—on Libyan soil, under the watchful eye of Qaddafi’s dictatorship—illustrated this contradiction perfectly. Here was an anthem about resisting oppression, delivered in a police state that tortured dissenters in underground prisons and erased non-Arab identities as an act of statecraft.

It was a performance of freedom staged by those who monopolised its meaning.

Subscribe now

The Parody: When the Empire’s Subjects Speak

The parody version of the song—circulated online and dripping with acid sarcasm—turns the original anthem upside down. Where Boutros demands, “Where are the millions?” the parody answers with a sneer:

“وين الگواويد؟”

Where are the pimps?

Crude? Without question. Vulgar? Indisputably.

But beneath the offensiveness lies something far more significant: a howl from the margins, a counter-anthem carved from the lived experience of those whom Arab nationalism has oppressed, not liberated.

The parody hurls accusations not at Israel, nor at external enemies, but at Arab regimes themselves:

• “قتلنا، طرّدنا، شرّدنا أكتر من بني هيتلر”

• “We killed, expelled, displaced more than the children of Hitler.”

This is not metaphor. It is historical reportage.

It cites the Kurds and Amazigh by name—the peoples Boutros’ anthem never acknowledges, the peoples who have paid for Arab nationalism with their languages, their homes, and their dead children.

Where the original revels in defiance against the outsider, the parody drags Arab society before the mirror and forces it to confront what it has done to its supposed “brothers.”

Even the parody’s obscene taunts about Israel are not meant to shock for their own sake; they expose a truth long whispered across the region: that Arab regimes have been far more successful at repressing their own populations than confronting any external foe. The self-described lions of the Levant suddenly become timid house-cats when facing an actual adversary.

The parody is enraged not because Arabs are weak, but because they pretend to be strong while kicking the powerless.

Subscribe now

Arab Imperialism: The Empire That Pretended It Wasn’t One

It has become fashionable in some circles to speak only of “Western imperialism,” as if the Middle East were an innocent garden trampled only by outsiders. This, however, is a convenient fairy tale. The Arab nation-state project—especially in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Algeria, Lebanon and Sudan—was deeply imperial in nature: a modernised continuation of an older logic in which Arab identity was presented as universal and others were expected to assimilate or vanish.

Kurds did not imagine the planes that bombed Halabja.

Amazighs did not hallucinate their forbidden names.

South Sudanese did not dream up the mass graves in Juba.

Hitchens once said, “The problem with nationalism is not that it builds nations but that it destroys people.”

Nowhere has this been more accurate than under the banner of Arab nationalism.

Boutros’ anthem, with its sweeping moral certainties and denunciations of Zionism, reflects the worldview of a political culture that sees only outward oppression, never inward cruelty. The parody, by contrast, is the testimony of those who have lived under Arab nationalism’s boot and have learned the lesson that the oppressed can become oppressors the moment they acquire a uniform and a flag.

Subscribe now

Why the Parody Matters More Than the Anthem

If the original song represents Arab political mythology, the parody represents Arab political reality. The anthem mourns Arab disunity; the parody accuses Arabs of uniting only in cruelty toward their minorities. The anthem glorifies resistance; the parody documents oppression.

Most importantly, the parody punctures the sacred narrative that Arabs have a monopoly on suffering or moral righteousness. From Kurdistan, the Arab world looks less like a besieged nation and more like an empire whose victims are finally learning to speak.

And speaking, in this region, is its own form of revolution.

Subscribe now

From Myth to Memory

“Where Are the Millions?” remains a powerful cultural artefact—a symbol of a time when pan-Arabism still believed in its own innocence. But history has caught up with that innocence. The Kurdish and Amazigh experiences reveal that the Arab world cannot claim the mantle of resistance while silencing its own oppressed peoples. Nor can it invoke honour while refusing to confront the crimes committed in the name of its unity.

The parody, uncomfortable and profane as it is, performs a service the original never could: it tells the truth from below. It forces the proud heirs of Arab nationalism to reckon with the empire they built in the shadows of their anti-imperialist slogans.

In the end, the Kurdish perspective asks a question far more urgent than Boutros’ original refrain:

Not “Where are the millions?”

but “Where are the victims in your story—and why have you forgotten them?”

And that, as Hitchens would say, is the question from which all the others flow.

Subscribe now

LYRICS: “Wein al malayeen?/Where are the millions?” (Original)

LYRICS: “Where are the pimps?” (Parody)

Subscribe now

PAX ARABICA is my groundbreaking new work exposing the Arab World for the colonial entity it is. Over the 20 chapters, we have looked into the nature of this Empire, its Palestinian vanguard, its dictatorial fragility, the oppression and expulsion of its minorities, its denial of national self-determination and how Arabs have mistakenly turned to Islamism as an escape from imperial oppression. We have turned our regard to those brave few who have fought the imperial menace and in Chapter 19, we considered how Israeli-Palestinian peace could come about in a post-imperial age.

Today, in the final chapter, we end the Great Game once and for all. We bring the curtain down on this accursed empire — an entity based on humiliation, terror, lies, language inversion, man-children, adventurism and an idolatrous sense of Hegelian History. We turn states into nations, boys into men, History into history, discretionary bureaucracy into law and the collective WE into individual, thoughtful “I”s. The time to decolonise the Arab Empire is now.

[Note that all capital letters in this chapter are used intentionally, especially History and We.]

PART 1: BABEL

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now! // Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States and the Nation State // Chapter 14: On Sykes-Picot // Chapter 15: On Zionism and the duty to protect // Chapter 16: On the New Regional Sheriff // Chapter 17: On the Psychology of Strength // Chapter 18: On the Paradigm Shift // Chapter 19: On the Post-Imperial Two State Solution // Chapter 20: On the End of the Great Game

Subscribe now

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 20: On the End of the Great Game

AN EPILOGUE TO EMPIRE

“If you can fill the unforgiving minute

With sixty seconds’ worth of distance run,

Yours is the Earth and everything that’s in it,

And—which is more—you’ll be a Man, my son!”

(Rudyard Kipling1)

We the British

The Great Game is afoot2. The adventure has been set inexorably in motion. No more must we sit in misery in a land bound by law. No more must we sulk in desperation in a nation torn apart by class. There, beyond the sea, we will be free — to dig for gold, to acquire wealth in the Sun, to settle in a barely-peopled land. Our family will not command us. Our status will be ours to choose. The stuffy conservatism of home will be no more.

We arrived in Arabia with a hope in our heart — to find meaning in a world of capital, to find adventure where Darwinism starved us of agency. Science may say that we are descended from apes. Hah! It is mistaken. For though individuals are bound by that burden, we are not individuals. We are functions. We are cogs in the machine of History’s great purpose. What it aims at, who are we to say? But to be caught in its slipstream, is to be catapulted into the excitement of meaning; the exhilaration of purpose.

Upon leaving the shores of that grey island, where we were chained by a common law, a free press and an interfering Parliament; where we suffered under centuries of accumulated nationhood; we finally found peace. Anxiety was left at the border; impotence abandoned to suffocate in those smog-filled, hopeless streets.

We were just 28 when we arrived there —charging through those desert sands with a great purpose. We were a boy, but our mission was christened by History. The same History that pushed St George to slay the Dragon; that impels his descendants to do likewise in foreign lands. I was not I. I was We. We all are — all those that sacrificed themselves to the will of the Game.

Our mission was to win the Arabs for the British — to join them together against their Turkish masters. Yet I was not British, nor was I Arab. I was a pawn in a game I didn’t understand. I was a pawn that could live out my boyhood. A Pan would had no need of age. I became We in a whirlwind of excitement; Hagel’s history made manifest.

The nation we fought for was not Britain — that was a land of democracy, mass franchise, law and human rights. We left that place to serve in its name, but to ignore its precepts. There, beyond the sea, we could live in a world of our imagination - Lord Cromer’s World - a world of secret bureaucracy where each official was a tool of discretion; a law unto himself.

There, in Britain, where debates are open and discussion is free, man is stifled by rules, precedent and principles. Here, in Cromer’s Egypt, in Rhodes’ Africa and Lawrence’s Arabia, there are no laws —only a nation that exists in our head. We, both the quixotic idealists and the raging mob, can finally live out our vision of “patriotism”, where written law is dead and all that remains is the arbitrary will of the bureaucracy — an officialdom unbound by the real Britain.

To be a civil servant at home is virtue lost; serving the property-owning classes without honour; mediating between factions that are loyal only to their own.

The aristocracy is a meritless caste, the workers are selfish and the bourgeoisie are vulgar. We were meant to represent the State, not the People; the united country above the mob. But there is no country! Only class unrest and endless striving.

So we fled — to Comer’s Egypt, to Rhodes Africa. There we were, the patriots of La Mancha, fighting our chains of boredom with an imagined “Britain”. Some of us fled with ideals - the followers of Kipling’s legend3. Others went as hodlums to make crime law. Others still went to expand for expansion’s sake; to annex the planets if we could4. Only then could we unite a nation with purpose - expansion! - to make meaning matter once more.

But how we were stifled! Again and again we were stifled — by “our” Parliament, “our” nation, those “charlatans of principle” that we had sought to escape. Oh how those “noble” deputies betrayed us. To set themselves up as an “imperial Parliament” seeking to temper our whims – even to represent the subject peoples!

They didn’t understand. They wouldn’t understand! Behind their pomposity stood ignorance. Our goal was never to rule nor to conquer. We were never the descendants of Rome, nor the Great Pretenders - “ the civilizers” - of France. We had no goal, no motive, no independent will. We were vessels for the will of History. We sought glory not for our own sake, but for our master.

History, the new god, pushed us on. Who were we to question its purpose, to divine a meaning? We just acted — in both senses of the word. We spoke in the name of a nation that fought History with Law, but we were nothing but spies for Hegel’s god. Our Britain wasn’t the real Britain - it was History in red and blue.

Our age - History’s age - was youth. We sought not despotism, but the magic elixir of an unknown future. The Great Game had to end one day - Britain’s expansion too - but we were alive, and life was for living.

Our method - History’s method - was aloofness. Bureaucratic aloofness. We sought not to convert the Hindu nor bring the Muslim to our ways. India’s culture could continue, but not the Law. The Law was for London. Secrecy - secrecy and discretion - was for our world; the Pan-ish world of Empire.

Yet there was a price, a charge paid in individual glory. No longer were we a Lawrence or a Smyth or a Harrington. Our individuality was subsumed in the depths of collective bureaucracy. Our triumphs and our errors - they were not our own. They were Ours. We were one, not with our nation, but with History. Life itself was coursing through our veins.

Subscribe now

We the Arabs

Once we were British, but first - and now again - we are Arab. Yet we remain We—the agents of History, the quixotic knights of Legend. Those Britons burst forth from their Sceptered Isle, whilst we burst forth from the desert. We were both as meaningless to the world as Pluto to the Sun. We were both from the ends of the Earth —- they (literally) in Inglaterra; us beyond the reach of the Roman and the Sassanian. Yet “they” and “us” became We when we shed our individual irrelevance and lost ourselves in the tides of History.

Abu Bakr burst forth, Umar presided in majesty and Mu’awiya established our glory. From Spain to Sindh, we conquered the Earth and became History itself. We knew not where the expansion would end nor its purpose. We cared not, for the exhilaration of meaning carried us onwards.

We too were a motley brand of the idealist and the thug; he who saw dreams beyond the conventional joined with the raider who seized a golden opportunity. Together we were connected by a power beyond our comprehension. Some called it God. Others the word of the Prophet made manifest. But now we realize it was History, mysterious History, the great stage upon which we - and Macbeth - are players. It is not for us to question why. We are called to act and we must.

It is glorious to expand, be mighty and gain wealth beyond the dreams of avarice. Yet far beyond mere trinkets was the true prize: to be part of something. And not just anything. History!

Modernity destroyed the Arab as it crippled the bored Englishmen. There had to be more than science, biology, the individuality of dog against dog.

We are not apes, but players – actors in the amphitheatre of the gods. So we determined to continue playing the Great Game.

Subscribe now

Read more

But what would that mean in the particular Levantine case? In a post-imperial world, how would Palestinians transform themselves from the vanguard of the Empire into a genuine national polity? What would a sustainable two state solution actually look like? You are about to find out….

I am pleased to announce that this text is not just a book chapter. It is Einat Wilf’s favourite Guerre and Shalom article and she has made reference to it “in several contexts.” Please enjoy it and I will see you again for the final chapter when we write an epilogue to the Arab Empire.

Subscribe now

PREVIOUSLY IN PAX ARABICA:

COMING SOON: Chapter 20 - On the End of the Great Game

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 19: On the Post-Imperial Two State Solution

INTRODUCING LEVANTIA

“Of all the men we meet with, nine parts of ten are what they are, good or evil useful or not, by their education. Tis this that makes the great difference in mankind.” [John Locke in ‘Some Thoughts concerning Education’1]

This chapter isn’t tongue in cheek. It’s deadly serious. And far from being written with any malice towards the people of the West Bank/Gaza, it is written with a sincere desire to improve their lot. By taking the courageous path below laid out, we will thereby create a better future for all the inhabitants of the Levant. To reach that blessed conclusion, we need to use a level of imagination beyond the minds of the world’s decrepit, aging leadership —and a level of maturity absent on university campuses in the United States. Above all, we will need to stare reality directly in the face; to struggle with the Angel of Death and win. So buckle up. Open your minds. And let us begin.

A two State solution is vital for Israel’s security and democratic future. But for the dream to be realised, that second State cannot be Palestine. To be sure, it would be composed of Palestinian people, but they would no longer be Palestinians. To be sure, it would be in the West Bank and Gaza, but it wouldn't be named Palestine. To achieve a peaceful outcome, there needs to be a complete and total rebrand and in this there is a clear precedent. Nazi Germany was renamed, post-World war II, as the Federal Republic of Germany. Same people. Same territory. Totally different country. Its flag was changed dramatically. And its guiding ideology even more so. The result was extraordinary: Europe’s most successful nation. 

The record shows that over the last one hundred years, Palestine has never sought peace nor ever engaged seriously in peace negotiations. Every advance has been met with silence or worse, outright rejection and bloody violence. To believe - as every American President seems to - that only they are the magic key to peace smacks at best of delusion, at worst of messianism.

I don’t blame the individual Palestinian citizen so much as the overarching culture. We have all worked for toxic companies and that toxicity has seeped into our own bloodstream. Loveless marriages have turned the sanguin into monsters and unfree societies have led to the calm to madness. Palestine is an enterprise that converts sweet, innocent babies into vehicles for hate and we must have the courage to say here and no further.

There are many kind, peace-loving Palestinian individuals. Of that there is no doubt. And there are many aspects of their day-to-day culture that are of great worth; as in all cultures and in all human communities. But the concept of “Palestine” is so infected by violent rejectionism, martyr-worship, faux-resistance and lie defusion that the ordinary, decent Palestinian has no political outlet to funnel their values. And the UN-funded education system turns potential Gandhis into Hannibal Lectors at an all too alarming rate. Enough is enough.

So that Palestinians may realise their undoubted potential; so that enemies can be turned into friends; so that we can clinch peace from the jaws of destruction, I propose a new political horizon. A second State freed from the baggage of Arab imperialism, Islamist terror, Marxist revolution and Middle Eastern madness. A State known only as Levantia.

Levantia is more than a name. It is a shared future of hope.

Subscribe now

Read more

To see behind the paywall on this and all other serialised “Guerre and Shalom” books, please consider a paid annual membership. It’s a bargain at £45/$58.

Subscribe now

PART 1: BABEL

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now! // Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States and the Nation State // Chapter 14: On Sykes-Picot // Chapter 15: On Zionism and the duty to protect // Chapter 16: On the New Regional Sheriff // Chapter 17: On the Psychology of Strength

COMING SOON: Chapter 19: On the Post-Imperial Two State Solution // Chapter 20: On the End of the Great Game

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 18: On the Paradigm Shift

“ETERNAL PEACE”: A HISTORY & A HOPE

Subscribe now

“Eternal peace”: A Hubristic History

Trump’s 21-point plan for ending the war in Gaza has been hailed by the man himself as the dawn of “Eternal Peace”. It’s fair to say that the President isn’t a student of history, otherwise he wouldn’t have dared fallen into such a hubristic trap.

We all hope for eternal peace. We pray for it daily in our synagogues, churches and some of our mosques. An era of messianic bliss where the lion dwells with the lamb and the infant plays near the cobras’ den —or, at least, as a preamble, warm inter-state relations underpinned by commerce.

But the problem isn’t the dream –-it’s the Middle Eastern reality. A cold peace can emerge through the psychology of strength, but a warm peace needs something more. It needs a complete paradigm shift.

No-one is saying that it isn’t possible, but the historical precedents for “eternal peace” haven’t been all that promising (That’s British understatement). A treaty with precisely that appellation was signed in 1686 between Poland and Russia. Its clauses included the ceding of Kiev to Russia and as all irony-allergic readers are aware, the status of that city has never been in doubt again.

In reality, Russia and Poland have been in constant conflict ever since to the point where Poland completely ceased to exist for over a century1. She has been occupied by Russia in the context of both the Russian Empire and the Soviet Union, and to this day, Poland feels it necessary to be a member of an American-led defence alliance to ward off the possibility of the Bear’s attack. Meanwhile, Ukraine, of Kiev fame, is currently engaged in an existential war with her ever aggressive neighbour lurking menacingly on her territory. So much for eternal peace.

Lest we think that this phenomenon is limited to Europe, we would do well to remind ourselves of the events of the Early Middle Ages. There, in the heart of the Northern Middle East, the Eastern Roman Byzantines and the Persian Sassanians finally came to terms. In a famed treaty of 532 CE, known alternatively at the “Perpetual Peace” or “The Treaty of Eternal Peace”, Byzantine Emperor Justinian I and the Sassanid King Khosrow I agreed to a permanent cessation of hostilities between the two warring empires. It was meant to endure indefinitely, but needless to say it broke down in short order. A mere 8 years later, the Persians breached their treaty obligations by resuming their hostilities against the Byzantine Empire2. It is in this light that Trump is perhaps unwise to toast his diplomacy with a poisoned chalice.

Yet none of this is to say that his peace efforts are unappreciated. True enough, he is motivated by the baubles of a Nobel Peace Prize and he has an ego which challenges the Mongol Empire for size, but, nonetheless, his efforts have already led to the release of the hostages, that being the condition of just the first stage of the plan. Having triumphed in this regard, we gladly thank him for his intervention.

Nonetheless, what he’s most unlikely to realise is eternal peace, and just like the ominous 532 CE precedent, hostilities are sure to return in the near future. Even to the extent that they are not, that is a measure of Israeli strength in the Wild Middle East. As per the psychological dynamics outlined in the previous chapter, showing that you mean business can create deterrents — and a cold, utilitarian peace. Yet that is but a State of Nature, always one false move always from a State of War3.

Survival, and maintaining the power balance, is a universe away from warm, cuddly, uninterrupted co-existence, that which I understand by the term “eternal peace”. Trump is, likely, living in a dream world.

Is this cynicism? Shouldn’t we just give peace a chance? To be sure, the precedents in Ukraine and the Middle East are far from rosy, but isn’t it a council of despair to speak as Jeremiah from the pit?

I should state, most emphatically, that eternal peace between two nations is entirely possible and as this chapter goes on, we shall unveil one particularly prominent example. Indeed, in the Byzantine- Sassanian case, a perpetual unity of sorts did eventually come — just not in the way that either Empire expected. With the arrival of Islam, both polities were utterly crushed and their territories were joined as one under the tender sword of the Umayyad Empire. This shows us that peace is possible, but it takes an unprecedented paradigm shift — in this case, the crushing defeat of both Powers by a third party.

Subscribe now

Kant’s “Perpetual Peace” and Cosmopolitan Utopia

Read more

Subscribe now

PAX ARABICA is my groundbreaking new work exposing the Arab World for the colonial entity it is. As the chapters pass, we will be looking into the nature of this Empire, its Palestinian vanguard, its dictatorial fragility, the oppression and expulsion of its minorities, its denial of national self-determination and how Arabs have mistakenly turned to Islamism as an escape from imperial oppression. We will turn our regard to those brave few who have fought the imperial menace and consider how Israeli-Palestinian peace could come about in a post-imperial age.

PART 1: BABEL

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now! // Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

Subscribe now

,In Part 2 - “EDEN” - we chart the journey to a Middle East of regional security, ordered peace, meaningful self-determination and genuine national sovereignty underpinned by a complete decolonisation of PAX ARABICA. We describe how a semblance of order is being maintained in the current, lawless “Wild West” phase and we provide a vision of post-imperial peace for the future.

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States and the Nation State // Chapter 14: On Sykes-Picot // Chapter 15: On Zionism and the duty to protect // Chapter 16: On the New Regional Sheriff

COMING SOON: Chapter 18: On the Paradigm Shift // Chapter 19: On the Post-Imperial Two State Solution // Chapter 20: On the End of the Great Game

[From prisoners-dilemma.png]

Subscribe now

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 17: On the Psychology of Strength

RETRIBUTION BRINGS “PEACE” TO THE WILD MIDDLE EAST

Is it rational to be rational?

Let us conduct a thought experiment. $10 are on the table and you and your partner have to decide how to distribute it. You alone may give the offer. Your partner must then decide to accept or reject. Should they reject, both of you get nothing1.

These being the parameters, what is the logical course of action for you to take? Assuming that one may only offer a positive integer, the rational offer would be for you to tender $9 so that your partner would receive $1. That way you would maximize your personal profit while screwing your interlocutor. If they were to reject, they would get nothing and $1 is better than nothing. Unsatisfying as the inequality may sound, a rational partner would have no choice but to surrender to your power.

But as we all know, people aren’t rational. Seeing the unfairness of such a skewed distribution, many would choose to reject purely out of spite. Better that we both get nothing than you profit from your extortion.

In the context of a pure game scenario, where the participants play but one time, the human penchant for revenge would cost you. You really would be a fool to reject the offer. But in the context of real life, where exploitation and manipulation are all part of the “fun”, acting irrationally in the very short term would be highly rational in the long term. It's what one might call rational irrationality. Being aware that the other party is easily exploitable, the party that makes the offer would likely repeat the trick over and over again. The nice guy rarely wins. It would be far better to continue rejecting until the offeror begins to treat you with equality and respect. In the long term, and extended out to an entire community, a more equal distribution would breed trust, human capital and non-transactional, respectful relationships.

Why does Syria’s ISIS President like Israel more than Ireland?

[What does he understand that the Irish don’t?]

We begin with this preamble to greater understand the geopolitical context of the Middle East and the somewhat counter-intuitive responses of the various parties. For decades, left-wing Israeli governments passionately sought peace and offered all in their power to achieve this hallowed goal. From 1937 to 2008, every conceivable offer - bar suicide - was put on the table, yet peace was rejected each and every time. Pax Arabica and its vanguard repeated “No! No! No!” and at every turn, they placed rejectionism above a better future. No matter how secular the Arab government, the knee-jerk Imperial reaction was the same — we will accept nothing but Israel’s destruction.

By placing imperial goals above its own development, Pax Arabica transformed itself into a lawless Wild West, where rejections of indigenous national identity were prioritized over internal cohesion. The Middle East metamorphosed into a violent hellscape —competing factions, only united by their common focus upon eliminating minority diversity, fought Israel and each other with equal hate. We have seen the results. Israel itself had to take the responsibility of fighting for the Druze. Israel itself had to become a regional Sheriff to protect the entire region from Iranian nuclear destruction. Israel survived and thrived, but did so in the absence of peace and in a climate of gathering hostility.

It is with this backdrop that recent events have the capacity to surprise. Despite Israel having elected the most extreme right-wing government in its history and Arab governments being more Islamist than ever, there seems finally to be a chance of peace in the Middle East — albeit a cold understanding founded on mutual defense against Iran, the need for post-oil economic development and, above all, the psychology of strength.

So today, we have liberal democratic Western countries such as Ireland which have gone out of their way to boycott Israel, even to the extent of self transforming the definition of genocide.

Yet at the same time, as regards the Israeli actions in Gaza, there has been a wall of almost complete silence from Arab, Middle Eastern governments. There has been barely a whiff of condemnation from Morocco, Bahrain and the UAE. Egypt and Jordan have maintained diplomatic relations and even official enemies such as Saudi Arabia have kept their diplomatic cool. Most extraordinarily of all, the newly installed Syrian government has engaged in negotiations for entry into the Abraham Accords, even contemplating ceding much of its claim to the Golan Heights.

When the reader takes into account the nature of the Syria government, that it is currently run by a former ISIS terrorist committed to Islamist domination of the world, this seems nothing short of incredible. Granted it likely won’t lead anywhere, but given that Israel currently occupies much of Southwestern Syria and is prepared to bomb army positions when it threatens the embattled Druze minority, the fact that we are even talking about normalisation agreements is a matter requiring further analysis. In brief, what the hell is going on?!

As journalist Nachum Kaplan commented in a Guerre and Shalom podcast interview2, he can foresee the situation where Israel will be rejected by much of liberal Europe at the same time as being in a state of normalized “peace” with much of the authoritarian Middle East. He’s right. The question is why.

Understanding Tribal Societies and Honour-based Violence

Bedouins on the rampage in southern Syria. (Ghaith Alsayed / Associated Press)

Read more

Subscribe now

PREVIOUSLY IN PAX ARABICA (Chapter 15):

Subscribe now

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 16: On the New Regional Sheriff

WHEN INTERNATIONAL LAW CAME BACK FROM THE DEAD

Enforcing nuclear non-proliferation

Commentary on the US bombing of Iran was perverse. Inane Democrat discussions on the legality of action. Nauseating condemnations from the UN Secretary General. They were obviously living in a different Universe to me; for here in the Clarkosphere, international law had been enforced. Finally and wonderfully.

Nuclear proliferation is one of the greatest dangers, if not the greatest danger, facing the human race. Just one error, one misinterpreted dot on a radar screen, could trigger the countdown to catastrophe. It ever so nearly happened in the era of the Yeltsin and with evermore countries having access to the nuclear trigger, the possibility of mistaken calamity increases precipitously.

Such analysis would hold true whatever the nature of the Iranian regime. Whether the boss was nationalist, monarchist or democratic, a nuclear Iran would catalyse a Middle Eastern race for the bomb. From that moment on, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey and more besides would see it as their divine right to blow us all to kingdom come.

That the Iranian regime is theocratic, fundamentalist and determined to wipe Israel from the map has called us to greater urgency. It forced the Israelis to act hard and act now. At their moment of greatest weakness, with Hezbollah neutered and Syria tamed, the moment to decapitate the snake had arrived.

Yet nuclear non-proliferation is not dependent on regime. It is the very essence of international law. If that rules-based corpus has any meaning at all, it is to prevent humanity from nuclear self-destruction.

There may be no more nuclear armed states in the world and the American-Israeli action has made that dictum reality.

Read more

Subscribe now

CHAPTERS (to date), available for paid subscribers:

PART 1: BABEL

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now! // Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States & the Nation State // Chapter 14: On Sykes-Picot

[Image: Syrian Druze religious leaders cross into Israel]

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 15: On Zionism and the Duty to Protect

IS ISRAEL THE DRUZE STATE?

Read more

In Part 2, we are charting the journey to a Middle East of regional security, ordered peace, meaningful self-determination and genuine national sovereignty which Sir Anthony Eden fought for all the way back in the 1950s.

Here, in Chapter 14, we turn our attention to the Middle East’s borders and how they are failing to provide minorities with security against the Babel Terror. We take the Syrian case study and argue that only genuine self-determination within redrawn borders can provide minorities with the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness that they truly deserve.

CHAPTERS (to date), available for paid subscribers:

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now!

PART 1: BABEL

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States & the Nation State

To see behind the paywall on this and all other serialised “Guerre and Shalom” books, you will need to become a fully paid up annual member.

Subscribe now

[Image: The Syrian President on a Friday night.]

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 14: On Sykes-Picot

DOES SYRIA HAVE THE RIGHT TO EXIST?

Read more

Today, we open the page on Part 2, subtitled Eden. Here we chart the journey to Middle Eastern harmony; to complete the mission of regional security, ordered peace and national sovereignty from Nasserite imperialism, which Sir Anthony fought for all the way back in the 1950s. We chart the course to true decolonisation, self-determination, respect for law and a post-Imperial two state solution.

In Chapter 13, we begin Part 2 by understanding current events in the Middle East as a war of political philosophy: the nation state v the nationless Babelised state. Along the journey, we define the concept of nationhood and how it combines with the polity. We show Arab sanjaks to be nationless states and the Israeli State to be the nation returned home. We call for the rise of an Arab national sense within administrative borders, where leaders and peoples seek the national interest over the pan-Arab Babel Terror. And we show how only self-determination will deliver minorities from their current hell.

So buckle up and let us begin the journey from Babel to Eden….

To see behind the paywall on this and all other serialised “Guerre and Shalom” books, click on “subscribe” to become a fully paid up annual member. The annual subscription rate is set at a very reasonable £45/$60.

Subscribe now

CHAPTERS (to date), available for paid subscribers:

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now!

PART 1: BABEL

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States & the Nation State: See below

Subscribe now

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 13: On Nations, States & the Nation State

ZIONISM v PAX ARABICA: A WAR OF POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY

[The indepedent-minded Moroccan king visits the restored Bayt Dakira in Essaouira. Image retrieved from https://middle-east-online.com/en/moroccan-king-visits-restored-bayt-dakira-essaouira]

Read more

To see behind the paywall on this and all other serialised “Guerre and Shalom” books, click on “subscribe” to become a fully paid up annual member. The annual subscription rate is set at a very reasonable £45/$60.

Subscribe now

PREFACE TO CHAPTER 12

CHAPTER 12 is perhaps the key section of this work. So much so that it deserves a preface. In the following revisionist chapter, we will consider the fundamental difference between the British Empire, a global hegemon that maintained international order, and the Arab Nasserite/German Hitlerite Empires which sought violent conquest in the name of complete ideological, cultural and racial/ethnic domination. The latter flourished only when the former lacked resolve, and now in the post-British age, where America is failing in its role as the final sovereign, we find ourselves in a Hobbesian War of all against all, where individual players assert their power in a vacuum of chaos.

Nasser fed on waning British control - and the ever-present American desire for isolation - to assert his power and spread a pan-Arab imperial uniformity with Nazi-like contagion. Imbibing the spirit of Munich, his pan-Arab policy swept aside Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Iraq, and although he was finally to be defeated by Israel in 1967, preventing the advent of a second Holocaust, his legacy of the pan-Arabist Babel terror (ein Religion, eine Sprache, ein diktatorischer Führer) remains ever-strong to this day. It’s called Pax Arabica. It was the force that swept aside the remnants of Iraqi Jewry in the wake of the Six Day War.

It was Eden - and Eden alone - who had the prophetic insight to stand up against the pan-Arab menace and his defeat, at the hands of the America betrayer, will never be forgotten amongst the Middle Eastern populations facing ethnic cleansing, apartheid, slavery and genocide in 2025.

Eden was not motivated by propping up the British Empire against the forces of self-determination, but by propping up self-determination against the fascist forces of Nazi Germany and Pax Arabica. He didn’t seek to perpetuate fading British power, but to sustain its gains - international order, stability and sovereignty - against the forces of anarchy. He knew that America wasn’t up to the task of its inheritance —-and in Afghanistan, we see that he was right. The USA cannot be trusted to stay the course. With time, its friends will be abandoned to suffer what they must. The Taliban were smart enough to realise this. So was Eden. America is the immature global power with the attention span of a smartphone addicted 6 year old.

Today, in Chapter 12, we change the script. Today, we ressurrect Edenism, the principle that international order and decolonisation can only be married successfully with the existence of a benign hegemon. The USA, the United Nations, the Soviet Union and Pax Arabica have joined together to create a world of chaos. So the British spirit must re-emerge to protect the independence of States (and regional) minorities in the Middle East and beyond. Anglo-liberty must return in American minds, lest the hell of Pax Arabica, mutated into Islamism, engulf the entire world.

CHAPTERS (to date), available for paid subscribers:

Subscribe now

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now!

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism

Chapter 2: On the Vanguard

Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression

Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom”

Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery

Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid

Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities

Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing

Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference

Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language

Chapter 11: On Appeasement

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

REVISIONIST SUEZ: EDEN WAS RIGHT ABOUT NASSER

[Nasser “the new Pharoah”, retrieved from La Vanguardia]

Subscribe now

Caricature history

20th Century is taught through caricatures. Churchill the hero. Chamberlain the villain. Imperialism bad. The United Nations good. George VI man of duty, Edward VIII man for himself. And above all “Suez was a humiliation for the imperialist Anthony Eden”. Today we deconstruct that myth and understand the issues raised by the 1956 crisis. For although Suez may appear as an affair long past, the issues it raised remain with us to this very day; chief among them who maintains international order in the post-British age.

Read more

To see behind the paywall on this and all other serialised “Guerre and Shalom” books, click on “subscribe” to become a fully paid up annual member. The annual subscription rate is set at a very reasonable £45/$60.

Subscribe now

IN CHAPTER 11, we consider the reasons why Pax Arabica’s human rights abuses are so appeased by the West at the same time as they endlessly assail their democratic, Middle Eastern ally Israel. Some Western thinkers may be enemies of Jewish State; yet more may be influenced by two millenia of antisemitism; but this chapter is tasked with pinpointing the most powerful explanation: Utilitarianism. Its effects are chilling: While Israel is thrown under a bus to appease the baying mob, Pax Arabica is left to continue with its expulsion of minorities and its Arabising supremacy over indigenous lands. Recommended reading for Starmer, Macron and Carney.

CHAPTERS (to date), available for paid subscribers:

Subscribe now

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now!

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism

Chapter 2: On the Vanguard

Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression

Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom”

Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery

Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid

Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities

Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing

Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference

Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language

[Image from Axios]

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 11: On appeasement

ISRAEL AS THE UTILITARIAN SCAPEGOAT

Leviticus 16:22. “Thus the goat shall carry on it all their iniquities to an inaccessible region; and the goat shall be set free in the wilderness.” 

Read more

Language, not suicide bombings nor blood-soaked violence, have become their most ubiquitous and effective modus operandi.

Daniel Clarke-Serret on Pax Arabica’s greatest weapon

PAX ARABICA is my groundbreaking new work exposing the Arab World for the colonial entity it is. As the chapters pass, we will be looking into the nature of this Empire, its Palestinian vanguard, its dictatorial fragility, the oppression and expulsion of its minorities, its denial of national self-determination and how Arabs have mistakenly turned to Islamism as an escape from imperial oppression. We will turn our regard to those brave few who have fought the imperial menace and consider how Israeli-Palestinian peace could come about in a post-imperial age.

IN CHAPTER 10, we consider how Pax Arabica has gaslighted the West so effectively, namely though its masterful use of language inversion. It has employed erstwhile sanctified terms, such as human rights, peace, genocide and above all “JUSTICE”, to turn bitter into “sweet” and evil into “good”. It is this, the weaponisation of language, rather than the more headline-grabbing use of violence, that has succeeded in turning a Babel-esque, human rights-abusing, violence-adoring, oft pale-skinned Empire into an “oppressed group of brown people”.

Here we trace the journey from the Ancient Greeks to the modern linguistic malaise, and turn to Scottish philosopher David Hume to describe the situation in the Arab Empire as it really is. It’s time to heed Isaiah and finally call a spade a spade, thereby bringing the terror of Pax Arabica to an end.

Ashok Panikkar writes on Justice:

CHAPTERS (to date), available for paid subscribers:

Subscribe now

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now!

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism

Chapter 2: On the Vanguard

Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression

Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom”

Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery

Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid

Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities

Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing

Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference

[Image: Victims of Palestinian “Justice”]

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language

FROM PLATO TO HAMAS: WORDS AS WEAPONS Of WAR & EMPIRE

Subscribe now

Read more

In Chapter 9, we turn our attention to Sudan, the far flung colony which shows PAX ARABICA at its worst. All the most despicable excesses of imperialism from haughty racism to slavery to genocide can be found here in the heart of North East Africa, but whilst the British Empire tried to abolish slavery here, the Arab Empire remains the practice’s biggest defender.

Today, on the eve of Yom Kippur, it is traditional to pledge money to a good cause. If you believe that exposing PAX ARABICA’s ugly face is necessary work, Guerre and Shalom would welcome your generosity —for this enterprise to continue in the long term it will need sustained financial support. Thank-you to all those paid subscribers and patrons who are already generous sponsors.

CHAPTERS (to date), available for paid subscribers:

Subscribe now

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now!

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism

Chapter 2: On the Vanguard

Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression

Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom”

Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery

Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid

Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities

Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing

Subscribe now

[Mona Shoaib, centre, fled to Gedaref eight months ago with her four daughters and their children. Image retrieved from https://www.nrc.no/perspectives/2024/sudan-war-towns-and-cities-stretched-beyond-limits. Photo: Ahmed Elsir/NRC]

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference

WHO CARES ABOUT SUDAN?

Read more

Subscribe now

Please sign up as paid to read the book in full and spread it far and wide. The time to change the narrative is now!

For a Kurdish perspective on the book, please take a look at this review from Khaled Salih:

PAX ARABICA

Introduction

THE TIME TO CHANGE THE NARRATIVE IS NOW!

I can hold my tongue no longer. The days of gaslighting are over.

No more can I sit with ears of incredulity, listening to lie after lie on the part of Arab tyranny and its apologists.

No more can I rest easy, while the apparently educated and urbane pay homage to one of the vilest empires in modern history.

As ever, it was Isaiah who said it best: “Woe unto them that call evil good, and good evil; that put darkness for light, and light for darkness; that put bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter!” Once more, as in the time of the Prophet, we live in an era where reality inversion is our reality.

Funded by Qatar and aided by their own malfunctioning neo-cortexes, Western Elites are parroting calumnies about Israeli ethnic cleansing, genocide, apartheid and racism. University students are believing the moral proclamations, video footage and death statistics of sworn terrorists, who are supremacist, sexist and homophobic for good measure. Far-left political parties would rather wave the banner of theocratic illiberals who hate the West than celebrate their own liberal democratic history.

Well I say enough!

We, the long-suffering silent majority, say enough!

We will speak the truth and finally fulfill Isaiah’s call to name evil as evil, darkness as darkness and bitterness as bitterness. The so-called Arab world is not oppressed. They are not suffering from genocide, ethnic cleansing or apartheid, at least not from foreign hands. Rather they are the oppressors who are audaciously and shamefully causing all these ills.

It is the Arabs who are committing genocide in Sudan and starving babies with abandon in Yemen.

It is the Arabs who would decimate every single minority in Syria and can’t bear to see even a single Jew return to Libya.

It is the Arabs who committed one of the most atrocious ethnic cleansings in all history by reducing the ancient Iraqi Jewish Community to nothing.

Where a Jewish King used to rule over the Kingdom of Yemen (Himyar), today the Jewish people are extinct in their ancient homelands, all at the hands of the insidious Arab Imperium.

In Syria, each and every minority fears for their lives. From The Druze to the Kurds, each minority has seen the fate of their Yazidi brethren and know what awaits them under Arab rule. The Middle East used to be one of the most diverse regions in the world. It was the cradle of Western, Judeo-Christian Civilization. Yet today it is a literal and metaphorical desert of monocultural, monolinguistic, monolithic hopelessness. It desperately flails away in the economic stupidity of having driven out its most innovative citizens.

The modern Arab state chooses its words carefully. It speaks in terms of Human Rights and Justice. Yet this is a barely concealed facade. All that this Empire of Hell accuses Israel of being is a succinct charge sheet of its own crimes. In its treatment of women, languishing under a two tier system of oppression, the Arab world is the epicentre of modern apartheid. In its treatment of minorities, it is variously callous, blood stained and genocidal. In its enslavement of black Africans, it is racist to an extent inconceivable in the modern West. It is a byword for ethnic cleansing.

The Arab World is a gaslighter par excellence. It speaks of Western Empire, Anglo-imperialism, foreign conquest and European oppression. It speaks of the evils of an Atlantic slave trade long since abolished by the British. Yet this is nothing more or less than an elaborate distraction.

For which foreign power was it that invaded the entirety of the Levant and North Africa?

Which distant people is it that imposed its religion on the unwilling at the barrel of the gun?

And which racist interlopers have deemed it their God-given right to slowly but surely cleanse all non-believers from the indigenous lands of others?

It wasn’t the British. It wasn’t the French. It was the Arabs. The Arabian Empire - Pax Arabica - is the repulsive modern aberration hiding in plain sight.

What is so insidious about Pax Arabica is that it doesn’t even try to hide its crimes. It makes them blatant and laughs in the face of the gullible West. Take Sudan, the most godforsaken outpost of the Arabian horror. Have you ever stopped to wonder why there are so many black Africans in this supposedly Arab country? Have you ever paused to consider what the word Sudan even means? If you have - if you’ve reserved even 5 minutes of your time to research the implications of that terrible word - you would find out the ghastly truth —a lightning bolt that would stop you dead and force you finally to declare that the Arab World is a living, breathing, horrific modern Empire.

Sudan means “blacks” — which is to say black people. The reference to blacks is not a modern at attempt celebrating diversity. Rather it is an unmistakable reference to the ongoing nature of that colony: it is an Arab outpost for kidnapping and enslaving black Africans. Although the British attempted to completely abolish the slave trade in Sudan, the Islamic Arabs maintained their enthusiasm regardless. Khartoum, the capital of this “nation”, was conceived as a slave trading city and by the second half of the 19th century, most of its inhabitants were black slaves. It continues to engage in this racist, immoral practice to this day.

Yet when faced with an incredulous Western audience, it doesn’t even try to hide the fact. The light-skinned Arabs of that outpost had the inconceivable audacity to name the “country” after the immoral practice which it was most famous for! And that name remains to this day. Instead of throwing long dead British slave traders into Bristolian rivers, why don’t our brain-dead youth throw support for the racist Arab world into the dustbin instead?

Nothing that I’m about to present in this book is difficult to discover. We all know about the oppression of women and minorities in the Arab world. We all understand that Iraq and Libya and Yemen and all the other Cell Block H criminals of the Arab Enterprise are Judenrein provinces where the remaining minorities live in fear. We all know the truth deep in our hearts.

Even the odious Jeremy Corbyn and Jean-Luc Mélanchon would choose to live in Israel over any of its unpalatable neighbours. But they wave the banner of Palestine - an enemy of our values - due to a mixture of anti-Western feeling, stupidity and a lack of Common Sense.

I use that latter phrase advisedly and in capitals - as gentle as it apparently seems - for that was the title of Thomas Paine’s influential work on American independence. It was that rambunctious, polemical and straight-talking pamphlet that finally changed the narrative on the nature of the 13 colonies. In his irreverent takedown of monarchy and the British constitution, he allowed people to say that which had previously been verboten — and he did so in a language which ordinary people could engage with. That is my purpose here.

This is no academic, ivory towers, work of fancy. It is factual and intelligent and thoughtful and true. Yes, all of those things. But it is also direct. It is intended to finally change the narrative. It is intended to speak to the hearts of ordinary, decent people. So let us speak plainly.

It isn’t Israel that commits apartheid, but Pax Arabica.

It isn’t Israel that commits genocide, but Pax Arabica.

It isn’t Israel that buys off the world with its oil, but Pax Arabica.

Slavery is Arab. Racism is Arab. Imperialism is Arab. Empire is Arab.

But the greatest lie of all is one that I’ve needed to employ thus far for reasons of comprehension. That the Middle East and North Africa are the “Arab World”. They most certainly are not. They are the lands of indigenous peoples who have been removed from their homelands by force and those that remain are struggling to hold on. The Kurds, the Druze, the Maronites, the Arameans: all of these and more are looking to Israel as the only nation that has stood up to Pax Arabica and its barbaric ways.

The narrative must change because the narrative is wrong. Israel is the only indigenous country in the Levant, the Northern Middle East. It is a nation, while the rest are colonies. Far from being an outpost of Western imperialism, it is an indigenous outpost against Arab imperialism. All the other countries have been conquered, colonized and cleansed. Bethlehem is less Christian by the day. Lebanese maronites are fighting for their lives. To that extent of the non-Jewish indigenous peoples speak Arabic, it’s because they have been so forced by the injustice of history.

At the time of the American Revolution, a well-reputed newspaper would sell 1000 copies a week. Thomas Paine’s Common Sense was rather more successful: Up to 150,000 copies were sold in the first three months of 1776 alone and by the time of full independence, over 500,000 copies had flown off the shelves. How can we explain this? It’s simple. Because he spoke to the common people and the common people spoke back to their representatives. The narrative hitherto, that the colonists were British subjects seeking constitutional rights, was overturned by a tsunami of Republican thinking.

Today we seek the same revolution as regards perceptions of the Arab Empire, the nefarious Pax Arabica. We seek the freedom of women, the freedom of minorities, the freedom of indigenous peoples, the freedom of non-Muslims and the freedom of all individuals to be as they wish in the lands of their forefathers. We seek nothing less than the fulfillment of the prophecy of Isaiah: that we call a spade a spade so that finally the lion may dwell with the lamb.

This introduction has been drafted on the day that Britain recognized Palestine, yet another failed misogynistic, sexist, homophobic and racist outpost of the Arab Empire. Another colonial entity imposed on the indigenous peoples of the Levant. Worse than that, Britain has fallen for the propaganda of its enemies. It believes that her history was one of evil and slave trading racism —- something that should be renounced so that a new perfect world of Arab homophobia can arise.

To this blackwashing of our history, I say this: no we weren’t perfect. Who was? But we brought democracy, the rule of law, freedom of trade and so many other benefits to this benighted Earth, while the Arab Empire revelled - and continues to revel - in slavery, hatred, division, racism and theocracy. Whatever we were as an Empire, they are the absolute nadir of what an Empire can be and they are engaged in that wrongdoing right now and as we speak.

If Britain is truly repentant of the sins of the past, then why would it want to impose something far worse on the long-suffering minorities of the Middle East?

Why would we reward the most vile of terrorist-supporting entities over the beautiful (and functioning) societies of Taiwan and Kurdistan?

Today there are two flags flying on the streets of Britain. One is the Union Flag, a symbol of international order, global trade and independent nations joined together by principles of liberty and human dignity. The other is the banner of Palestine, a symbol of return to the worst excesses of Empire.

We must end the apologetics now. We must wake up from our slumber. Supporting our own glorious inheritance, we must firmly reject Arab barbarism, instead unequivocally calling for independent Middle Eastern nation States committed to the life and liberty (and property) of Man.

The West must discover its values, belatedly but determinately. We must call with a loud voice for the defeat of Islamism, Palestinianism and Arab colonialist supremacy. We must support Israel as the only independent indigenous nation in the Northern Middle East. But most of all, we should have the courage to name the pan-Arab entity with precision. An Empire. May it be dismantled soon and in our days. Amen.

PAX ARABICA by Daniel Clarke-Serret

Acknowledgements: With Thanks

FOREWORD by Nachum Kaplan

Introduction: The time to change the narrative is now!

PART 1: BABEL

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism // Chapter 2: On the Vanguard //Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression // Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom” // Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery // Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid // Chapter 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities // Chapter 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing // Chapter 9: On Genocide, Slavery and Racist Indifference //Chapter 10: On Unjust “Justice” and the Inversion of Language // Chapter 11: On Appeasement // Chapter 12: On the Man who stood against Pax Arabica

PART 2: EDEN

Chapter 13: On Nations, States and the Nation State // Chapter 14: On Sykes-Picot // Chapter 15: On Zionism and the duty to protect // Chapter 16: On the New Regional Sheriff // Chapter 17: On the Psychology of Strength // Chapter 18: On the Paradigm Shift // Chapter 19: On the Post-Imperial Two State Solution // Chapter 20: On the End of the Great Game

AFTERWORD by Khaled Salih: A Song of the Oppressor and the Parody of the Oppressed.

Subscribe now

If you wish to sneak behind the paywall, paid annual subscriptions are currently at £45/$60. Please bear in mind that this IS my job/vocation, so all subscriptions are very gratefully received.

Subscribe now

Today, we continue with my groundbreaking new work PAX ARABICA which exposes the Arab World for the colonial entity it is.

Here, in Chapter 8, we consider the tragic story of Iraq’s Jewish community. Although once at the heart of that nation’s history, politics and religious life, it was reduced to nothing over thirty, short, brutal years. Although one of the most important countries for Jewish identity, the land of Abraham was entirely cleansed of the people of Abraham. It is unbearably sad reading, but the truth about Pax Arabica must finally out…

[Image: The Farhud pogrom in Baghdad of 1941. (Courtesy: Beit Hatfutsot, the Oster Visual Documentation Center, courtesy of The Otniel Margalit Collection, Yad Yitzhak Ben Zvi Archive)]

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 8: On the Masters of Ethnic Cleansing

FINALLY CALLING “ARAB IRAQ” TO ACCOUNT

Read more

If you wish to sneak behind the paywall, paid annual subscriptions are currently at £45/$60.

Subscribe now

Today, we continue with my groundbreaking new work PAX ARABICA which exposes the Arab World for the colonial entity it is.

CHAPTERS (to date):

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism

Chapter 2: On the Vanguard

Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression

Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom”

Chapter 5: On Islamist Misery

Chapter 6: On Arab Apartheid

Here, in Chapter 7, we consider the tragic choice facing Middle Eastern minorities, best exemplified by the Alawite sect of former Syrian President Bashar Al-Assad. Should they flee to the West and abandon their birthright? Should they remain defenceless in their homelands like lambs to the slaughter? Should they turn to armed Balkanisation so as to carve out a safe space? Or should they follow Bashar’s lead, taking oppressive control of the State? There are no good options. There are none that have the ring of moral satisfaction. This is devil’s choice faced by the vulnerable, indigenous peoples of Pax Arabica. But choose they must, lest they be driven out the lands which history and providence have caused them to inherit….

[Image: The tragic tale of the eye doctor that longed for England]

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 7: On Middle Eastern Minorities

WHAT NOW FOR THE ALAWITES?

Subscribe now

Read more

Paid annual subscriptions are currently priced at £45/$60.

All chapters of our published books are behind a paywall. The next installment of Ashok Panikkar’s “The Ten Lies that killed Democracy” comes out exclusively for paid subscribers this Sunday. It’s well worth the entrance fee alone.

Subscribe now

Today, we continue with my groundbreaking new work PAX ARABICA which exposes the Arab World for the colonial entity it is.

The previous five chapters can be found here. They are:

Chapter 1: On Arab Imperialism

Chapter 2: On the Vanguard

Chapter 3: On Dictatorial Oppression

Chapter 4: On Islamist “Freedom”

Chapter 5: On the Fightback

Today in a short, but powerful, Chapter 6 (On Apartheid), we examine the status of women within PAX ARABICA. As we shall see, the Empire’s tentacles extend far beyond Saudi Arabia and into the heart of Europe…

[Image: The legendary Lebanese singer Nuhad Haddad, commonly known as Fairuz]

PAX ARABICA

CHAPTER 6: On Apartheid

A VINDICATION OF THE RIGHTS OF ARAB WOMEN

Subscribe now

Read more